From Kabul to Munich, the journey of Mohammed A. Mohammed reflects both the tragedy and resilience of Afghanistan’s people. Once a respected regional director with the United Nations Development Programme, he was forced to abandon his homeland after surviving threats, attempted assassinations, and the eventual collapse of the Afghan Republic. Now rebuilding his life in Germany, Mohammed offers rare insight into the realities of war, exile, and the struggles of a nation still searching for peace. In this exclusive interview with Stadt Newspaper, he speaks candidly about Afghanistan’s turbulent past, the present under Taliban rule, and his hopes for a future built on justice, inclusion, and human dignity.
Let’s begin with your story. What was life like for you in Kabul before you were forced to leave?
My life in Kabul, like that of many Afghans, was marked by the shadows of war and political instability. For decades , since the communist coup in 1978 , our people endured constant suffering. Even before the fall of the Republic to the Taliban, Afghanistan remained in a state of war, despite the presence of military forces from over 50 nations. On average, up to 500 civilians and soldiers were killed each day. The violence, the destruction of infrastructure, and the psychological toll were part of daily life.
Though I lived in a major city and had some protection from direct threats, no one felt truly safe or emotionally at peace. Still, I believed that the democratic institutions and laws built over 20 years of international presence would hold. We hoped for a gradual peace and a brighter future. But that vision collapsed quickly when international allies unexpectedly withdrew their forces, ceased logistical support to the Afghan government, and made deals with the Taliban. The sudden pullout led to a disastrous, avoidable collapse.
You once served as a regional director with the UNDP in Afghanistan. Can you tell us what your role entailed, and how it shaped your understanding of governance and development in the country?
As a Regional Manager with the National Solidarity Program (NSP), and later with the Citizen Charter National Priority Program, I was responsible for implementing large-scale rural development initiatives in northeastern and eastern Afghanistan. These programs aimed to empower communities through democratic elections of Community Development Councils (CDCs) and to fund local infrastructure projects such as clean water systems, roads, schools, irrigation, and electricity.
The NSP reached over 43,000 villages. It introduced democratic practices at the grassroots level and weakened the hold of traditional power brokers. The Citizen Charter continued this work, though it faced growing insecurity and political interference. Unfortunately, corruption within the government intensified, and I , along with many honest colleagues ,was placed under immense pressure to participate in corrupt practices. I refused, despite direct threats, including a bomb thrown at my home and attempts on my life.
These experiences taught me that genuine development is not just about building infrastructure ,it is about ethical leadership, community trust, and protecting public resources. I take pride in having signed off on millions of dollars of development funds without ever abusing my authority or misusing a single dollar. Today, I work at DHL in Germany, earning an honest wage. While many who took part in corruption live in luxury abroad, I carry peace of mind and a clean conscience and that is more valuable to me than anything else.
What led to your decision to flee Afghanistan, and how did you eventually find your way to Germany?
I was forced to leave Afghanistan due to serious and continuous threats against my life. These threats came from individuals connected to armed groups that had control over certain areas. They accused me of working with the Americans and NATO simply because I refused to pay money for projects under their influence. I was told that no matter where I went, they would find me and I would “pay the price.”
As the threats increased, coming from different phone numbers on a daily basis, I had to constantly change my place of residence. Eventually, it became clear that I could no longer stay in Afghanistan. I decided to flee the country.
I traveled overland from Kabul to Herat, and then crossed into Iran. The journey was extremely difficult and dangerous. At times, I truly believed that dying at home would have been better than risking my life in the desert, where even wild animals could have found my body. I will not go into the full details of what I went through, but I told my wife that under no circumstances should our children ever take the same route.
Eventually, I managed to reach Germany. I have been here for over three years now. Although life is safer and more stable here, the separation from my family has caused me ongoing emotional stress. I respectfully ask the German authorities to support me in reuniting with my family, so we can live together in peace and security.
How has your transition been — from a respected official in your country to a refugee rebuilding life in a foreign land?
The transition from being a respected regional director in Afghanistan to becoming a refugee rebuilding my life in Germany has been one of the most difficult and transformative experiences of my life.
In Afghanistan, I held a responsible position with the United Nations Development Programme, where I was deeply involved in development projects aimed at improving governance and the livelihoods of local communities. This role gave me a sense of purpose, pride, and connection to my country’s future.
However, due to the ongoing security threats related to my refusal to comply with armed groups demanding money and control over projects, I faced severe danger. These groups were particularly opposed to the community development councils we established in rural areas ، composed of both men and women ، and constantly threatened me for empowering locals and refusing their influence. For a brief period after the collapse of the Republic, the threats subsided, but they soon returned with even greater intensity.
Eventually, Afghanistan became neither safe nor livable for me. I had no choice but to leave ، a heartbreaking decision that meant abandoning my home and everything I had worked for. The journey to Germany was long, painful, and extremely dangerous. There were moments along the way when I thought it would have been better to die in my own country than to suffer in unknown deserts. But somehow, I survived and made it to Germany.
Arriving in Germany, I encountered numerous challenges typical for refugees: adapting to a new culture and language, navigating an unfamiliar social system, and coping with the emotional burden of separation from my wife and children for more than three years. Finding employment was essential, and I am now working with Deutsche Post/DHL in Munich, which provides me with stability but does not replace the deep longing for my homeland and family.
Despite these hardships, this experience has strengthened my resilience and determination. It has taught me humility and the importance of hope. While my new life is very different from my previous one, I remain committed to rebuilding it with dignity and to supporting my family’s eventual reunion here in Germany.
I continue to hold a deep love for Afghanistan and a strong desire to contribute to its future — whether from afar or, one day, directl
How would you describe the current political situation in Afghanistan under Taliban control?
The political situation in Afghanistan under Taliban control is complex and multifaceted. While the Taliban have dismantled democratic structures and excluded women and opposition voices from governance, they have also brought a form of centralized control that some citizens view as more predictable compared to the chaos and corruption of the previous era.
Many people remember the widespread lawlessness, corruption, and power struggles under warlords and government officials prior to 2021. Some now feel that at least daily security has improved, particularly in urban areas, and incidents like armed robbery, kidnapping, and factional violence have declined. However, this surface-level order has come at a high cost.
Under Taliban rule, there are no elections, no constitution, and no formal mechanisms for public participation. Educational institutions—especially for girls—have been shut down, the media is heavily restricted, and civil liberties are extremely limited. Ethnic and religious minorities continue to feel marginalized, and Afghanistan remains isolated from much of the international community.
In short, while a sense of relative physical security exists in some areas, the political system lacks legitimacy, inclusivity, and transparency. Long-term peace and development will depend on whether the current authorities are willing to engage in reforms and dialogue, both with the Afghan people and the international community
Based on your experience, how does the Taliban regime compare to the previous governments — especially the Western-backed administration after 2001?
Afghanistan’s current state is not only the result of internal conflict, but also decades of interference, neglect, and exploitation by regional and international powers. After years of war, our cultural and educational institutions were destroyed. A generation of Afghans grew up without access to quality education. Only a small percentage had the opportunity to pursue higher learning.
Meanwhile, neighboring countries , especially Iran and Pakistan , saw long-term instability in Afghanistan as serving their own interests. They benefited in multiple ways: Afghanistan became a captive market for low-quality exports; our rivers and freshwater resources were used freely without regulation; and some of our mineral wealth was looted with the help of armed groups under their influence.
These countries also fueled internal divisions along ethnic, linguistic, and religious lines to weaken national unity and promote their agendas. But Afghanistan is not inherently a poor or broken nation. It is a country rich in natural resources, a land of empires, and a people with deep pride and resilience. With peace and proper governance, it could be one of the wealthiest and most stable countries in the region.
Sadly, years of bloodshed and political games have turned Afghanistan into one of the poorest countries in the world. The Afghan people are not in favor of war or extremism. But the current situation , where women are banned from education and work, where youth have no hope, and where the country is isolated — only deepens the darkness. This must change.
The change must come through international pressure on those in power — especially the Taliban , to open schools, allow women to work, and include all Afghans in political decision-making. Keeping education and opportunity closed to half the population will lead us to complete national collapse.
At the same time, the Afghan people do not want a return of the old warlords or their sons, who now present themselves in Europe and America as representatives of the Afghan people. These were the same war criminals who, with the help of the U.S. and NATO, rose to power after 2001 and engaged in widespread corruption, murder, and kidnapping. Their actions played a major role in the collapse of the Republic.
What Afghanistan needs now is not another cycle of warlords and extremists , but a new generation of patriotic, honest, and capable leaders who believe in national unity, accountability, and service. The people are tired. They are searching for a truly representative and inclusive system , not foreign puppets, not ideological dictators, and not criminals in suits.
Only through justice, education, and inclusion can Afghanistan ever move forward.
In your view, did the withdrawal of U.S. and NATO forces signify an inevitable collapse, or was there a path that could have prevented the Taliban’s return?
The withdrawal of U.S. and NATO forces was a critical moment that accelerated the collapse of the Afghan government, but it was not necessarily inevitable. The reality is that the previous republican government was largely controlled by warlords and former war criminals who represented various ethnic minorities rather than the broader population. These figures, many of whom had come to power with the direct support of the U.S. and NATO after 9/11, dominated the security and military institutions.
Although the government had a thin layer of technocrats and some Pashtuns representing the majority of Afghanistan’s people, real power was divided among these warlords. Many of them had already been defeated by the Taliban once and lacked the will or capacity to fight them effectively again. The president, though educated and well-intentioned, had limited authority and was largely powerless within this system.
Over twenty years, instead of building national military and security institutions, these were effectively split among warlords and former criminals who often funneled illegal wealth into investments abroad in places like Dubai and Turkey. This fostered deep public distrust; honest and capable officials were few, and the government was seen as corrupt and disconnected from the people.
There were potential paths that might have slowed or prevented the Taliban’s rapid return. like true political reconciliation, genuine inclusion of diverse groups in governance, and meaningful reforms in institutions, but these were never fully pursued. The rapid and poorly planned withdrawal, combined with the cessation of financial and logistical support, left the government vulnerable.
External interference and regional interests further complicated matters. Ultimately, the collapse was a combination of internal systemic weaknesses and external decisions. The withdrawal was a catalyst but not the sole cause. With different leadership and a genuine national unity strategy, a more stable outcome might have been possible.
How has the regime affected freedom of speech, access to education, and civil liberties?
The current regime operates largely under the influence and direction of intelligence agencies from some neighboring and interested countries. The severe restrictions on freedom of speech, access to education, and civil liberties imposed by the Taliban are not rooted in Afghan law, traditions, or the true teachings of Islam. Rather, these measures serve the agenda of those organizing and supporting the regime behind the scenes.
At its core, this is an absolute, dictatorial government where a single person makes decisions unilaterally , closing schools, especially for girls, and severely limiting free expression. These restrictions contradict the cultural values and religious beliefs held by many Afghans.
While some may hope for more openness, the reality is that under this regime, the space for civil liberties continues to shrink, and the future of education and free speech remains bleak.
What is the status of ethnic and religious minorities under Taliban rule? Are we witnessing increased marginalization or persecution?
The Taliban is primarily an ideological movement, not the representative of any single ethnic group. Almost all Afghan ethnicities—Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, and Uzbek—are present within its ranks in proportion to their population. For example, Deputy Prime Minister Abdul Salam Hanafi is an Uzbek, and Chief of Army Staff Fasihuddin is a Tajik. However, these figures represent the Taliban’s ideology, not their ethnic communities.
In the previous government, corrupt warlords and power brokers from different ethnic backgrounds—supported by the US and NATO—also committed widespread abuses. With the Taliban’s return, many of them fled, yet the problems remain for all.
Claims that one ethnicity is in a better position than others are often fueled by neighboring countries like Pakistan, Iran, and Tajikistan to weaken Afghan unity. In reality, the hardships are shared: if girls’ schools are closed, they are closed for all Afghan girls, regardless of ethnicity. The pain and restrictions affect every Afghan equally.
[As someone once engaged in development work, how do you assess the human development indicators now — particularly health, education, and poverty?
It is clear that even before 2001, Afghanistan faced significant challenges in health, education, and the economy. After 2001, with the presence of military forces from over 50 countries and the establishment of a new government, same small projects were implemented at the village level, leading to some improvements and a positive development trend.
Large-scale programs like the “National Solidarity Program” and the “Citizens’ Charter” were designed to promote welfare and democracy by enabling the election of representatives and councils at the village level. However, in practice, these programs faced restrictions that prevented us from implementing more sustainable and income-generating projects. For example, there were limitations on constructing irrigation dams higher than 3 meters or developing micro-hydropower projects exceeding 50 kilowatts. Additionally, the possibility of establishing economic and income-generating projects was severely limited.
These policies allowed people to benefit from the projects in the short term, but in the long run, these projects lacked sustainability and failed to bring about fundamental changes in people’s lives. Now, with the Taliban in power, international aid across all sectors has been cut or significantly reduced, and sanctions remain in place. As a result, the people of Afghanistan face serious and widespread challenges in health, education, and the economy.
What is the economic situation like for ordinary Afghan citizens today?
The economic situation for ordinary Afghan citizens today is extremely difficult and fragile. International sanctions, the widespread suspension of financial aid from the global community, and banking restrictions have plunged the country’s economy into a serious crisis. More than half of the population lives below the poverty line, and many families struggle to meet basic needs such as food, medicine, and shelter.
Unemployment and the lack of job opportunities, especially among the youth, are widespread, exacerbating social and economic pressures. Additionally, restrictions and bans imposed by the Taliban—particularly in areas like women’s education and access to international markets—have negatively impacted the country’s economy.
In these circumstances, many people have turned to informal and underground economic activities to make a living, but this situation is unstable and risky. Overall, Afghanistan’s economy today faces significant challenges that require comprehensive international support and effective domestic programs.
How has the isolation of the Taliban government affected trade, jobs, and basic services?
The isolation of the Taliban government has had widespread and severe impacts on trade, employment, and basic services in Afghanistan. The suspension of international aid and economic sanctions have put immense pressure on the country’s economy, causing many development projects to halt.
This situation has led to a decrease in job opportunities and a rise in unemployment, especially among the youth, who make up the majority of the active workforce. Additionally, the lack of financial resources and restricted access to international markets have significantly reduced trade and the import of essential goods.
Furthermore, basic services such as healthcare, education, water, and electricity have been severely affected. Many health and educational centers face serious challenges due to budget cuts and resource shortages. As a result, ordinary people experience limited access to these essential services, making daily life much harder.
Therefore, the international isolation of the Taliban has not only crippled Afghanistan’s economy but also greatly impacted the welfare and quality of life of its people.
Do you see any underground or informal efforts within Afghanistan trying to sustain livelihoods or provide education despite the Taliban’s restrictions?
Yes, despite the strict restrictions and bans imposed by the Taliban, there are many underground and informal efforts within Afghanistan to sustain livelihoods and continue education. Many individuals and groups operate secretly and at great risk to provide educational services, especially for girls, and some small informal businesses have been established as means of livelihood.
These efforts demonstrate the resilience and determination of the Afghan people to preserve their right to education and dignified living. However, due to lack of support and difficult security conditions, these activities are not sustainable and face serious risks.
Therefore, while these initiatives are important and commendable, greater domestic and international support is needed to achieve broad and lasting change.
As a former UN official, what would you like to see from the international community in terms of support for Afghanistan today?
As a former senior official responsible for implementing some of the largest World Bank projects and major development programs across Afghanistan, I believe the international community must respond urgently and constructively, considering the dire living conditions of the Afghan people.
It is crucial that aid focuses on essential infrastructure and fundamental projects that help the people of Afghanistan stand on their own feet and build a sustainable life.
Beyond immediate humanitarian assistance, international efforts should support long-term development initiatives that empower local communities and promote stability.
Furthermore, the international community should increase diplomatic pressure to ensure respect for human rights, women’s rights, and civil liberties, while cooperating with local groups and civil society to support legitimate and sustainable development programs.
Such coordinated, sustained, and respectful engagement is vital for achieving lasting peace and prosperity in Afghanistan.
Is dialogue with the Taliban a realistic option for peace and stability, or does it risk legitimizing an oppressive regime?
My personal view is that there is no alternative to dialogue. We have tried all other paths, including multiple foreign military interventions, which only complicated the problem without solving it.
The Taliban must reopen schools and include representatives from all segments of society in governance and power. The Taliban alone cannot run the life of a country with a population of 38 million.
Inclusive governance does not merely mean having representatives of different groups in government, but rather that all affairs should be managed by qualified and competent professionals—engineers, doctors, teachers, and experts from all backgrounds should be allowed to participate. Restrictions on education, study, and work for women must be seriously lifted.
What role can Afghan exiles and refugees like yourself play in shaping a better future for your country — even from abroad?
A number of people who, years ago, entered Afghanistan from neighboring countries such as Iran, Tajikistan, and Pakistan in various ways and obtained Afghan citizenship, are now refugees in different countries around the world. Unfortunately, they are advancing intelligence projects of their countries of origin. These individuals deliberately work to undermine Afghanistan and weaken the unity of the Afghan people.
Sometimes, they claim in the media that they are not Afghans, aiming to create discord and mistrust among Afghans. The people of Afghanistan must be very vigilant and not fall for their deception.
We call on European countries, the United States, and others to revoke the asylum status of those who claim Afghan identity by any means and to take legal action against them according to their laws.
On the other hand, we must raise a united and strong voice about the serious problems faced by the people inside Afghanistan, such as issues related to women’s education and employment, civil liberties, and the torture imposed by the current regime. We must fight for meaningful reforms.
At the same time, we must be careful that our struggle is not exploited by the intelligence agencies of neighboring and regional countries. We need to organize meetings and gatherings to build mutual understanding, find real solutions to our problems, and, with the impartial support of the international community, reach a logical and sustainable resolution.
Finally, how do you personally find the strength to keep moving forward after everything you’ve seen and lost? What keeps your hope alive?
Finally, how do you personally find the strength to keep moving forward after everything you’ve seen and lost? What keeps your hope alive?
Despite all the challenges, losses, and hardships I have witnessed, my strength comes from a firm belief in the resilience and determination of the Afghan people. We have endured decades of conflict, but our spirit remains unbroken. I am confident that, God willing, we will take meaningful steps toward addressing the serious problems we currently face.
However, for true progress, we urgently need the international community to play a constructive role by putting an end to the interference of neighboring countries such as Pakistan, Iran, and Tajikistan in Afghanistan’s internal affairs. Their meddling has prolonged suffering and instability in our country.
My hope is sustained by the conviction that, with unity, strong will, and the support of the global community in respecting Afghanistan’s sovereignty, we can build a peaceful, stable, and prosperous future
Conclusion
Mohammed’s story is not only the account of one man’s escape from war, but also a mirror held up to Afghanistan itself—a country torn between despair and hope, oppression and resilience. His journey from Kabul to Munich highlights the cost of failed politics, foreign interference, and unrelenting extremism, yet it also reminds us of the human spirit’s ability to endure and rebuild. As he works for a modest living in Germany, separated from his family but unbroken in resolve, Mohammed carries with him a message of unity, accountability, and the urgent need for international support. Afghanistan’s fate, he insists, is not sealed. With courage, honest leadership, and global solidarity, a new chapter can still be written for his homeland